Résumé :

It is possible to draw upon Marx’s thinking without emphasizing an automatic relationship between an economic ‘base’ and a political ‘superstructure’. The development of capitalism must then be understood as resulting from the ‘conceptual separation’ of the economic and political issues. However, the research that favours this approach fails to provide the tools for a precise and systematic study of the political work which makes this separation possible. For his part, through the development of field theory and the emphasis on the notion of symbolic power, Pierre Bourdieu offers the means to analyse the political work of multiple agents, but he does not formulate a theory of capitalism tailored to his findings. It seems worthwhile to take up and extend some of his proposals to open up avenues of thought in this direction. It is then about considering that different fields coexist, each of which lends itself to a political struggle based on the assertion of symbolic power; each field contributes to a ‘conceptual separation’ of the economic and political issues, which is itself constitutive of capitalism. As a result, production and trade operations seem to be part of a natural and autonomous process. Capital can thus be accumulated without necessitating the direct use of force. The combination of fields can lend itself to certain variations. It always shapes the political structures of accumulation.

Résumé :

MPs face a dilemma when it comes to deliberative mini-publics (DMPs): in a context of distrust, they may see it as an opportunity to re-legitimize themselves and solve complex policy issues. But it could also challenge the quasi-monopoly they used to have on political decisions and undermine the role of the Parliament and the primacy of elections. The article is found on 91 face-to-face interviews with French-speaking Belgian MPs sitting in federal or regional parliaments. First, we describe the profile of supporters of DMPs. We then identify three ideal–typical discourses: the power-sharing discourse, the consultative discourse, and the elitist discourse. The contribution of this article is twofold. First, it analyzes the argumentative frames used by MPs to assess deliberative mini-publics using a large number of interviews. Second, it demonstrates that their discourses depend on their evaluation of ordinary citizens’ competence to participate and on their resulting vision of representation. Political actors mainly perceive DMPs as power-sharing instruments that would alter their elected position and the legitimacy of the election.

Résumé :

S’agissant du militantisme armé, il est commun de considérer qu’interviennent deux séries de facteurs à son origine : des facteurs « facilitant » ce type d’engagement (facilitating factors) et des facteurs « accélérant » le recours aux armes (precipitating factors). Afin de voir comment ces éléments s’orchestrent au sein de mécanismes faisant intervenir des facteurs de niveaux macro, méso et microsociaux, nous avons réalisé une enquête de sociologie qualitative auprès de 33 militants d’organisations extra-parlementaires actives en Italie durant les années 1960-1980. L’analyse des entretiens permet de préciser l’effet de l’environnement familial sur les trajectoires individuelles au sein des organisations armées, le rôle du facteur idéologique et politique parmi ces différents groupes de la gauche extra-parlementaire, l’incidence d’événements macro, méso et microsociaux cadrés comme « décisifs » sur les parcours de ces militants. Cette recherche permet ainsi de compléter et de corriger les travaux existant menés sur des échantillons plus restreints d’acteurs clandestins italiens (Bosi et Della Porta, 2012).

Résumé en anglais :

It is common to consider that two sets of factors are involved in the commitment to armed militancy : facilitating factors and precipitating factors. In order to see how these elements are embedded within mechanisms involving macro, meso and micro-level factors, we conducted a qualitative sociological survey of 33 activists from extra-parliamentary organizations active in Italy from the 1960s to the 1980s. The analysis of the interviews allows to specify the effect of the family environment on individual trajectories within armed organizations, the role of the ideological and political factor among these different groups of the extra-parliamentary left-wing, the impact of macro, meso and micro social events framed as “decisive” on the paths of these militants. This research thus complements and corrects existing works on smaller samples of Italian clandestine actors (Bosi and Della Porta, 2012).

Résumé :

Dans cet article introductif, nous revenons sur la genèse des journées d’études sur le mouvement des Gilets jaunes et le Débat national qui se sont déroulées les 16 et 17 janvier 2020. Après avoir replacé ces journées dans leur contexte – une mobilisation sociale inédite et un foisonnement d’analyses « à chaud » – ce texte présente les questions méthodologiques posées par l’étude de ce mouvement, de l’analyse des réseaux sociaux à l’épistémologie du débat. Nous détaillons ensuite quelques principaux résultats démontrés dans les articles du numéro (articles tirés d’expériences empiriques généralement qualifiées de « quantitatives »).

Résumé en anglais :

This special issue is drawn from a workshop held in Paris on January 16 and 17, 2020, about empirical ways of studying the French Yellow Vests movement and the “National Debate” it sparked. In this introductory article to this special issue, we take a look back at the origin of the workshop. After putting it back in context – an unprecedented social mobilization and an abundance of analyses in the heat of the moment – we present the methodological questions raised by the study of this movement, from the analysis of social networks to the epistemology of the debate. We then present some of the main results drawn from the articles in the issue (articles that, given the journal, are drawn from empirical experiments usually described as “quantitative”).

Résumé :

Le développement de la télémédecine est devenu un enjeu dans le système de soins, en particulier dans les EHPAD où il est important pour les résidents de pouvoir accéder rapidement à des consultations spécialisées tout en préservant une bonne qualité de vie. Cet article présente une étude qui montre les difficultés d’installation de la télémédecine dans les EHPAD et interroge les conditions d’appropriation de cet outil par les professionnels du soin. Basée sur une étude multisite et 25 entretiens semi-directifs, l’enquête montre que ces établissements évoluent dans un contexte organisationnel fragile qui rend difficile l’encastrement de la télémédecine dans les pratiques et routines professionnelles.

Résumé en anglais :

Telemedicine has become an issue in the healthcare system, especially in nursing homes for dependent elderly people (EPHAD) where it is important to ensure rapid access to specialized consultations, and to guarantee a good quality of life. This article presents a study that shows the difficulties of implementing telemedicine in these institutions, and explores the conditions of adoption of this tool by healthcare professionals. Based on a multi-site survey and 25 semi-structured interviews, the study shows that these institutions operate in a fragile organizational context that makes it difficult to embed telemedicine in professional routines and practices.

Résumé :

Despite their multiplication over the last 15 years, studies on the support for assemblies composed of citizens selected by lot are rare and the few that exist analyse citizens’ attitudes towards such mini-publics as consultative bodies associated with traditional representative institutions. In this article, we examine support for citizens selected by lot as new policymakers who take the most important political decisions instead of political representatives. We contrast support for this radical democratic innovation with support for two other reforms that increase citizen participation: generic support for a greater involvement of citizens in policymaking, and specific support for citizen-initiated referendums. The goal is to understand whether the drivers of support for citizens selected by lot overlap or differ from the drivers of support for other forms of citizen participation. We rely upon data from the 2017 French Election Study.

Résumé :

The promotion of health-enhancing physical activity (HEPA) has become a key objective in public health policy. Therefore, based on the national HEPA Policy Audit Tool Version 2 (HEPA PAT v2) of the World Health Organization, a tool was designed to support local governments in assessing HEPA policies. This study aims to describe the adaptation and testing of the HEPA policy analysis tool (CAPLA-Santé) at the local level in France. The work was conducted in three stages: (1) an intersec-toral group of experts was constituted, and the group adapted each item of the HEPA PAT v2 tool to the local level; (2) a testing phase with seven local governments helped to collect data and feedback on the tool; and (3) a final workshop was organized to adjust and finalize the tool. The final version of CAPLA-Santé contains 21 items divided into six major sections: overview of HEPA stakeholders in the local government area, policy documents , policy contents, funding and political engagement , studies and measures relating to physical activity in the local government area, and progress achieved and future challenges. CAPLA-Santé allows the collection and in-depth analysis of local level policies to assess the progress in promoting HEPA and intersectoral collaboration as well as identifying successful policy levers and remaining challenges.

Résumé :

Le concept de policing renvoie à une dimension spécifique du contrôle social, et désigne l’existence d’opérations de surveillance couplées à la menace de sanctions en cas de déviance. En appelant à surveiller les transactions financières pour lutter contre la criminalité et le terrorisme, l’action publique internationale contre l’argent sale a légitimé et généralisé au cours de ces dernières décennies une nouvelle forme de policing. Celle-ci implique des acteurs majeurs du capitalisme qui ne sont pas à proprement parler des entreprises de sécurité privée. À l’instar d’initiatives du même ordre plus récentes, elle repose sur l’articulation d’univers relevant, d’une part, de l’économie et de la finance, d’autre part, du pénal et de la sécurité. Comment cette articulation s’opère-t-elle, et avec quels effets, tant sur le fonctionnement de ces univers sociaux que sur l’exercice du policing contemporain ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous situons l’analyse sur un plan sociotechnique, en étudiant la mise en algorithmes des opérations de surveillance. Figure montante dans le domaine de la sécurité, les algorithmes sont omniprésents au sein du policing financier. En tant qu’objets-frontières, ils constituent un point d’entrée crucial pour étudier les relations entre « économie » et « sécurité » sur lesquelles repose une partie croissante du policing à l’heure des big data.

Résumé en anglais :

The concept of policing refers to a specific dimension of social control and designates the existence of operations of surveillance coupled with the threat of sanction in the event of deviance. By calling for the control of financial transactions to fight against criminality and terrorism, international public action against dirty money has legitimised and generalised a new form of policing over the last decades. This policing involves major actors of capitalism that are not private security companies. Like similar and more recent initiatives, it is based on the articulation between universes relating to the economy and finance on the one hand, and criminal justice and security on the other. How is this articulation operated and what are the effects on the functioning of these social universes and on the exercise of contemporary policing? To answer these questions, the analysis I offer is socio-technical and examines how operations of surveillance are transformed into algorithms. Increasingly used in the field of security, algorithms are omnipresent in financial policing. As boundary objects, they constitute a crucial entry point for the study of the relationship between “economy” and “security” on which is based a great deal of the increasing policy in the time of big data.

Résumé :

Maire de Tours (1959-1995), député d’Indre-et-Loire (1958-1973, 1976-1997), ancien ministre (1973-1974), Jean Royer est arrivé en quatrième position au premier tour de l’élection présidentielle de 1974. Il a été à la fois le plus petit des « grands » candidats et le plus grand des « petits ». Se situant en dehors des partis, revendiquant l’héritage du général de Gaulle, il s’est distingué par un discours et des thèmes de campagne conservateurs quand l’heure était aux grandes réformes de société. Sa campagne présidentielle a été avant tout une aventure personnelle s’appuyant sur une petite équipe. Son faible score ne lui a pas permis de peser dans les débats politiques au niveau national, mais il est parvenu à trouver une place au sein de la « médiasphère » politique. De sa campagne, on retient surtout l’accent sur les thèmes moraux, la défense des commerçants et artisans, le chahut des meetings. Auteur d’une loi sur le grand commerce, Jean Royer a laissé un héritage bien plus important au niveau local qu’au niveau national, incarnant un courant politique dont des personnalités comme Philippe de Villiers, Nicolas Dupont-Aignan ou encore Christine Boutin seraient les héritiers.

Résumé en anglais :

As the mayor of Tours (1959–1995), a deputy for Indre-et-Loire (1958–1973, 1976–1997), and a former minister (1973–1974), Jean Royer came fourth in the first round of the 1974 presidential election. He was both the most minor of the major partisan candidates, and the most prominent of the minor candidates. Distancing himself from party politics and claiming the legacy of General de Gaulle, Royer distinguished himself by his conservative discourse and campaign themes against a wider backdrop of major social reforms. His presidential campaign was first and foremost a personal adventure supported by a small team. His low score did not allow him to weigh in during national political debates, but he did manage to find a place in the political mediasphere. His campaign was marked by its focus on moral issues, its defence of shopkeepers and craftsmen, and the constant heckling his speeches received. As the author of a law on supermarkets and hypermarkets, Jean Royer had a much greater influence at the local level than at the national level, thus embodying a political current which figures like Philippe de Villiers, Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, and Christine Boutin would later inherit.

Résumé :

Des évènements aussi extrêmes qu'une révolution, une pandémie mondiale ou des attentats terroristes constituent des chocs politiques susceptibles d'impacter considérablement la confiance et la croissance économique. La Tunisie pour qui l'activité touristique est essentielle, vient de connaître ces trois évènements dont l'impact économique a été bien plus considérable que la crise économique de 2008. Cet article cherche à reproduire les faits stylisés observés en Tunisie à partir d'une modélisation stock-flux cohérente post keynésienne et d’un indice de confiance, puis de fournir des prévisions de l'impact économique de chocs exogènes.

Résumé en anglais :

Such extreme events as a revolution, a global pandemic, or terrorist attacks are political shocks that can significantly impact confidence and economic growth. Tunisia, for which tourism is crucial, has recently undergone a revolution in 2011, two terrorist attacks in 2015, and now the COVID-19 pandemic. The economic impact of these political events is much greater than that of the economic crisis of 2008. Using a post-Keynesian stock-flow consistent model, the aim of this paper is to reproduce the stylized facts since 2008. We first build a confidence index, then we try to provide forecasts of the economic impact of exogenous shocks

Résumé :

The increase in frequency of multidrug-resistant bacteria worldwide is largely the result of the massive use of antibiotics in the second half of the 20th century. These relatively recent changes in human societies revealed the great evolutionary capacities of bacteria towards drug resistance. In this article, we hypothesize that the success of future antibacterial strategies lies in taking into account both these evolutionary processes and the way human activities influence them. Faced with the increasing prevalence of multidrug-resistant bacteria and the scarcity of new antibacterial chemical molecules, the use of bacteriophages is considered as a complementary and/or alternative therapy. After presenting the evolutionary capacities of bacteriophages and bacteria, we show how the development model currently envisaged (based on the classification of bacteriophages as medicinal products similar to antibacterial chemical molecules) ignores the evolutionary processes inherent in bacteriophage therapy. This categorization imposes to bacteriophage therapy a specific conception of what a treatment and a therapeutic scheme should be as well as its mode of production and prescription. We argue that a new development model is needed that would allow the use of therapeutic bacteriophages fully adapted (after in vitro ‘bacteriophage training’) to the aetiologic bacteria and/or aimed at rendering bacteria either avirulent or antibiotic-susceptible (‘bacteriophage steering’). To not repeat the mistakes made with antibiotics, we must now think about and learn from the ways in which the materialities of microbes (e.g. evolutionary capacities of both bacteriophages and bacteria) are intertwined with those of societies.

Résumé :

The period of confinement in the spring of 2020 is of great interest in highlighting the parental work of educational support. While parental support is usually more diffuse, and is secondary in relation to what is done at school, occurring at different moments of daily life, home schooling during lockdown revealed new ways of helping and framing schoolwork. This article looks at parenting practices in higher socio-economic status (SES) families in France. Based on a massive questionnaire ( N = 31,764) and a series of additional interviews ( N = 15) conducted during lockdown, the aim is to investigate what makes parental assistance specific in high SES environments. Our findings show that such families have less difficulty carrying out schooling at home. What makes them consider this experience as ‘not a big deal’, as they say, is that they have organisational and pedagogical (i.e. objective) resources that enable them to respond to its challenges. In addition, however, we show that home schooling is experienced in these families as less contrived. In effect, they use schoolwork techniques that help to obscure (from others, but also from themselves) the effort that schoolwork requires.